Library / Commentaries and Disputations on Genesis, Volume I

Book Six — the temptation and fall

Verse 16. To the woman also he said, I will multiply your sorrows and your conceptions; in sorrow you shall bring forth children, and you shall be under the power of the man, and he shall have dominion over you

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Verse 16. To the woman also he said, I will multiply your sorrows and your conceptions; in sorrow you shall bring forth children, and you shall be under the power of the man, and he shall have dominion over you.1

VERS. 16. Mulieri quoque dixit, Multiplicabo aerumnas tuas, & conceptus tuos, in dolore paries filios, & sub viri potestate eris, & ipse dominabitur tui.

Tribus huius Divinae sententiae tanquam verberibus, sexum foemineum perpetuo cruciari scribit Rupertus, capite 22. libro tertio de Trinitate. Triplici autem poena mulier punitur, quia triplo maius fuit peccatum eius quam Adami. Primo, quia credendo serpenti plusquam Deo, seducta est. Deinde, quia ligni vetiti pulchritudinem & suavitatem delectabiliter concupivit: Tertio, quia non contenta transgressione propria, virum quoque ad transgressionem induxit. Merito igitur triplici peccato triplex vindicta, praeter communem sibi cum viro mortem, reddita est. Nam quia serpenti credidit dicenti, Eritis sicut dij: iuste ipsa contra hoc, quod Deus vivorum est & non mortuorum, non vivorum, sed mortuorum mater esse meruit, dicente Deo, Multiplicabo conceptus tuos. Omnes enim conceptus eius, anima & corpore in peccato moriuntur, & nemo eorum vivit, nisi vivificetur per Christum. Item quia visa illius arboris pulchritudine, intemperanter fructum eius expetivit, pro illo visus delectamento, contrarius...
Rupert writes (book 3 On the Trinity, chapter 22) that the female sex is perpetually tormented by three [strokes], as it were, of this divine sentence. And the woman is punished with a triple penalty, because her sin was three times greater than Adam's. First, because by believing the serpent more than God, she was seduced. Then, because she delightfully coveted the beauty and sweetness of the forbidden tree. Third, because, not content with her own transgression, she also led the man into transgression. Deservedly, therefore, for the triple sin a triple vengeance — besides the death common to her with the man — was rendered. For because she believed the serpent saying, You shall be as Gods, justly, against this — that God is the God of the living and not of the dead — she deserved to be the mother not of the living but of the dead, God saying, I will multiply your conceptions. For all her conceptions die, in soul and body, in sin, and none of them lives, unless he be given life through Christ. Likewise, because, the beauty of that tree being seen, she intemperately desired its fruit, for that delight of sight, a contrary [penalty]...2

...a contrary [penalty] is rendered — the pain of the womb. In sorrow, he says, you shall bring forth. Third, because she enticed the man to eat by feminine importunity: therefore, Under the power of the man, he says, you shall be, and he shall have dominion over you. Thus, for the seduction, the multiplicity of conceptions; for the delight of gluttony, the pain of the womb; for the rash command and scandal which she exhibited to the man, the penalty of servitude to the man was rendered to her. Thus far from Rupert.3

rius redditur uteri dolor. In dolore, inquit, paries. Tertio, quia virum importunitate muliebri ad comedendum illexit: idcirco Sub viri potestate, inquit, eris, & ipse dominabitur tui. Ita pro seductione, conceptuum multiplicitas: pro gulae oblectamento, uteri dolor: pro temerario imperio & scandalo, quod viro exhibuit, servitutis viri poena ei reddita est. Hactenus ex Ruperto.

Verum multiplicatio prolis magnum est bonum, magnumque parentum gaudium: futura etiam, si homo non peccasset, in Paradiso, & in statu innocentiae, quomodo igitur ea mulieri pro scelere admisso, tanquam ingens quoddam malum, poenae loco denunciatur? Hieronymus Oleaster hoc loco nova interpretatione illud, Multiplicabo conceptus tuos, non refert ad multiplicationem prolis, sed ad tempus, quo post conceptum gestatur foetus in utero usque ad partum: arbitratur enim, si non peccasset primus homo, fore, ut statim proles concepta ederetur in lucem: in poenam autem peccati, tempus illud per novem menses multiplicatum & prolatum est.
But the multiplication of offspring is a great good, and a great joy of parents — it would even, had man not sinned, have been [so] in Paradise and in the state of innocence. How, then, is it denounced to the woman for the crime committed, as it were a certain great evil, in the place of a penalty? Hieronymus Oleaster, in this place, by a new interpretation, refers that phrase, I will multiply your conceptions, not to the multiplication of offspring, but to the time in which, after conception, the fetus is carried in the womb until birth: for he judges that, had the first man not sinned, it would have come about that the offspring, once conceived, would immediately be brought forth into the light; but as a penalty of sin, that time was multiplied and prolonged over nine months.4
Sed hoc non modo falsum, verum etiam absurdum & ridiculum est. Nam longa mansio foetus in utero, naturalis est, & ex causis naturalibus proficiscitur: quamobrem non debuit propter peccatum variari. Nam sicut locus ipsius foetus in utero, sic modus nutritionis eius, accretionis, auctusque corporalis naturalia sunt, & idcirco eadem ante peccatum fuissent, quae sunt post peccatum: ita etiam tanta foetus mora in utero, naturalis est, nec peccati poena. Non enim statim conceptus partui maturus & validus est, sed paulatim augescens, valescens, & maturescens fit idoneus, ut ex utero edi queat: quemadmodum non statim post partum, iustam corporis molem, aut rationis usum assequitur.
But this is not only false, but even absurd and ridiculous. For the long stay of the fetus in the womb is natural, and proceeds from natural causes; wherefore it ought not to have been varied on account of sin. For just as the place of the fetus in the womb, so the mode of its nourishment, its accretion, and its bodily growth are natural, and therefore the same things would have been before sin as are after sin; so also so great a stay of the fetus in the womb is natural, and not a penalty of sin. For the conceived one is not immediately mature and strong for birth, but, gradually growing, gaining strength, and maturing, becomes fit to be brought forth from the womb — just as, not immediately after birth, does it attain the just mass of body, or the use of reason.5
Multiplicatio igitur conceptus, quatuor ob causas intelligitur post peccatum esse poena mulieris, & magnum quoddam malum. Primum, quoniam multi conceptus priusquam ad maturitatem & perfectionem veniant, per abortum in utero matris intereunt. Deinde, quia multi generantur partium corporis vel mole, vel numero, vel figura, vel situ, vel imbecillitate & deformitate, vel sensuum vitio, vel animi & rationis defectu depravati, atque monstrosi: quod maximo dolori est parentibus. Praeterea, eorum qui generantur pauci sunt electi & praedestinati: plerique vero propter eorum flagitia aeternis suppliciis destinati. His accedit, multitudinem prolis plerumque vel ob parentum paupertatem, cui educandae non sufficiunt, vel propter flagitiosam & probrosam filiorum vitam, vel propter miserrimos casus & exitus, acerbissimum parentibus tormentum & infortunium esse solere.
The multiplication of conception, therefore, is understood to be, after sin, a penalty of the woman and a certain great evil, for four causes. First, because many conceived, before they come to maturity and perfection, perish by miscarriage in the mother's womb. Then, because many are generated depraved and monstrous — in the mass, or number, or figure, or position of the bodily parts, or by weakness and deformity, or by a defect of the senses, or by a defect of mind and reason — which is the greatest grief to parents. Moreover, of those who are generated, few are elect and predestined, but most, on account of their crimes, are destined to eternal punishments. To these is added that the multitude of offspring is wont to be a most bitter torment and misfortune to parents — often either on account of the parents' poverty (for whose rearing they do not suffice), or on account of the wicked and shameful life of the children, or on account of most miserable accidents and deaths.6

'This multiplication,' says Rupert in this place, 'is not of blessing, but of damnation; not of grace, but of wrath; not of clemency, but of vengeance. Whence he did not only say, I will multiply your conceptions, but in addition added, And your sorrows. For a woman is as sorrowful as she is fruitful. After each conception, sorrow torments her; through each birth: her own blood wearies her, inasmuch as she, even when she seems healthy...'7

Non est, inquit Rupertus hoc loco, haec multiplicatio benedictionis, sed damnationis: non gratiae, sed irae: non clementiae, sed vindictae. Unde non dixit tantum, Multiplicabo conceptus tuos, sed insuper addidit, Et aerumnas tuas. Mulier quippe quanto foecundior, tanto aerumnosior. Post singulos conceptus, dolor cruciat, per singulos partus: suus eam sanguis fatigat, quippe quae, & cum sana...

'...seems healthy, labors with the menstrual flowers. For woman is the one and only menstruating animal. How great, do you think, is this wrath, how great the vengeance, that so many humans should be conceived or born who exceed the number [of the elect] — who do not pertain to the Lord, or to eternal life, for whom therefore it were better had they not been born? Indeed, had our earth remained in uncorrupted nature, had it not superinduced upon God's blessings the plague of the cursed serpent, it would have germinated only good trees — that is, only good men — and by the abundance of its sap would have produced none of the wild woods, which are born for this, that they be cut down and cast into the fire, because they do not bear fruit. This is the severity of the divine judgment, strong and too terrible, and more to be feared than discussed.' Thus Rupert.8

sana videtur, menstruis floribus laborat. Mulier namque unum & solum est menstruum animal. Quanta putas haec ira, quanta est vindicta, concipi vel nasci tot homines, qui numerum excedant: qui ad Dominum, vel ad vitam aeternam non pertineant, quibus proinde melius erat, si nati non fuissent? Nempe, si incorrupta natura nostra terra permansisset, si non Dei benedictionibus pestem maledicti serpentis superinduxisset, solas bonas arbores, id est, solos bonos germinasset homines; & nullum agrestium lignorum, quae ad hoc nata sunt ut excidantur & in ignem mittantur, quia fructum non ferunt, succi eius abundantia produxisset. Haec fortis, atque terribilis nimis, & timenda magis quam discutienda divini iudicij severitas est. Sic Rupertus.

Vel illud, Multiplicabo conceptus & aerumnas tuas, sic dictum est modo loquendi divinae Scripturae non infrequenti, ut si dictum esset, Multiplicabo conceptus tuos cum aerumnis, vel, In conceptibus tuis multiplicabo tibi aerumnas, seu ut vox Hebraea sonat [vox Hebraea est עצבנך, Itsbonech], dolores, angustias, compressiones, & alia mala quibus mulier afficitur, dum foetum gestat in utero. Multa enim eo tempore contingunt mulieri valde molesta & acerba, ut cibi fastidium, frequens suspiratio, tardus motus, color infestus, pericula abortus, notabilis animi & corporis perturbatio & vexatio. Audi Plinium hac de re libri 7. cap. 6. & 7. elegantissime scribentem: A conceptu, inquit, decimo die dolores capitis, oculorum vertigines tenebraeque, fastidium in cibis, redundantia stomachi, indices sunt hominis inchoati. Melior color marem ferenti, & facilior partus, motus in utero quadragesimo die. Contraria omnia in altero sexu: Ingestabile onus, crurum & inguinum levis tumor. Primus autem nonagesimo die motus...
Or that phrase, I will multiply your conceptions and your sorrows, was said thus by a manner of speaking of divine Scripture not infrequent, as if it had been said, I will multiply your conceptions with sorrows, or, In your conceptions I will multiply for you sorrows — or, as the Hebrew word sounds [the Hebrew word is עצבנך (Itsbonech)], pains, straits, compressions, and the other evils by which the woman is afflicted while she carries the fetus in the womb. For at that time many things very troublesome and bitter happen to the woman: loathing of food, frequent sighing, slow movement, an unhealthy color, dangers of miscarriage, a notable perturbation and vexation of mind and body. Hear Pliny, writing on this matter most elegantly (book 7, chapters 6 and 7): 'From conception,' he says, 'on the tenth day, headaches, vertigos and darkenings of the eyes, loathing in food, a redundancy of the stomach, are the signs of a man begun. A better color for her carrying a male, and an easier birth; the motion in the womb on the fortieth day. All contrary things in the other sex: an unbearable burden, a slight swelling of the legs and groin. But the first motion, on the ninetieth day...'9

'But the most languor in each sex is when the birth is sprouting hair, and at the full moon — which time especially afflicts also the born infants. If they have drawn breath, they are brought forth with more difficulty; yawning indeed in labor is lethal, as to have sneezed after coitus is abortive.' And in the following chapter: 'It moves to pity, and even to shame, one considering how frivolous is the origin of the proudest of animals, since often the cause of miscarriage is the smell from the extinguishing of lamps.' Thus Pliny. That these words of Pliny are for the most part taken from Aristotle, so that the reader may clearly recognize it, it has pleased [us] to transcribe here the very words of Aristotle, from chapter 4 of book 7 of the History of Animals: 'It comes to pass indeed,' he says, 'that women, from conception, are weighed down in the whole body, and darkenings of the eyes and headaches are stirred up. Which to some happen earlier, and about the tenth day, to others later, according as they are more or less afflicted by superfluous matter. Nausea likewise and vomiting very many take, and especially those whose purgations have ceased. Some labor more at the beginning, others afterward, when the fetus has now grown more fully...'10

Sed plurimum languoris in utroque sexu, capillum germinante partu, & in plenilunio: quod tempus editos quoque infantes praecipue infestat. Si respiravere, difficilius enituntur: Oscitatio quidem in enixu lethalis est, sicut sternuisse a coitu abortivum. Et capite sequenti: Miseret, atque etiam pudet aestimantem quam sit frivola animalium superbissimi origo, cum plerumque abortus causa fiat odor a lucernarum extinctu. Haec Plinius. Haec Plinij verba, maximam partem, ex Aristotele sumpta esse, ut liquido agnoscat lector, hic ipsa Aristotelis verba ex cap. 4. lib. 7. de Historia animalium transcribere libuit: Evenit profecto, inquit, ut mulieres a conceptu, corpore toto graventur, & oculorum caligines, & dolores capitis moveantur. Quae alijs maturius, & fere die decimo accidunt, alijs serius, pro ut magis minusve ex materia supervacua tentantur. Nausea item & vomitus plurimas capiunt, & praecipue quibus purgationes constiterint. Aliqua principio magis laborant, aliae post cum iam foetus plenius creve...

'...has grown more fully. Often also many are afflicted, toward the last, by a dripping of urine; but for the most part those who carry a male get through more easily, and are less pale. Contrary [is the case of] those who [carry] a female: for they are paler, and pass [the time] more heavily; to many also tumors and swellings of the flesh occur in the legs. Various appetites are wont to come to pregnant women, and to be quickly changed — which some call "picare," from the bird Pica [the magpie]. And indeed, when they carry a fetus of the female sex, they crave more greedily, and can less enjoy the thing now present than they had desired; for they at once loathe what they just vehemently craved...'11

rint. Saepe etiam multas distillatio urinae ad postremum infestat, sed magna ex parte, quae marem ferunt facilius exigunt, minusque pallent. Contra quae foeminam: sunt enim pallidiores, & gravius degunt: Multis etiam tumores, extuberationesque carnis in cruribus incidunt. Solent appetitus varij gravidis evenire, citoque commutari: quod picare quidam a Pica ave denominant. Et nimirum cum foetum sexus foeminei ferunt, avidius appetunt, minusque frui iam re praesenti quam cupierint, possunt: fastidiunt enim statim, quod modo vehementer appe...

'...they craved; but especially then they loathe [food] and grow slower and weary, when the fetus's hair begins to grow. The pain, too, is continuous from a female [fetus], but duller; from a male, sharp and far more troublesome.' These things Aristotle and Pliny have handed down about the troublesome pains and afflictions of pregnant women.12

ter appeterent: sed praecipue tum fastidiunt tardioque fatiscunt, cum foetui capillus oriri incipit. Dolor etiam ex foemina continuus, sed obtusior, ex mare acer & longe molestior. Haec Aristoteles atque Plinius de gravidarum mulierum molestis doloribus, aerumnisque prodiderunt.

Now indeed, how foul, how harmful and pestilent is the force and nature of the menstrual blood, which nature prepared as material for forming the fetus — if the reader wishes to know, let him hear the marvels Pliny tells of it (book 7, chapter 15): 'But nothing,' he says, 'could easily be found more monstrous than the flux of women. At its approach new wines turn sour, crops touched become barren, grafts die, the germs of gardens are burnt up, and the fruits of the trees on which they sit fall off; the brightness of mirrors is dimmed by the very sight, the edge of iron is blunted, and the shine of ivory; the hives of bees die; brass and iron rust seizes at once, and a dreadful smell [seizes] the air; and dogs, having tasted it, are driven to madness, and their bite is infected with an incurable poison. Moreover, the nature of bitumen, otherwise clinging and sticky, in the lake of Judea called Asphaltites, floating at a certain time of year, cannot be torn from itself, adhering to every contact, except by a thread which such a virus has infected. They say too that ants, the smallest animal, have a sense of it, and cast away the grains they have tasted, and afterward do not seek them again. And this so great and so much an evil exists in a woman every thirty days, and more abundantly at three-month intervals; but to some more often than once a month, as to some never — but such do not bear children, since this is the material for generating a man, the seed from males glomerating it into itself in the manner of rennet, which then in due time is animated and formed into a body. Therefore, when it has flowed in pregnant women, weak or non-viable births are brought forth, or bloody ones, as Nigidius is the author.' Thus Pliny.13

Iam vero sanguinis menstrui, quem ut materiam corporando foetui natura comparavit, quam sit foeda, quam nocens, ac pestilens vis, & natura, si avet lector cognoscere, audiat, quae de eo mira tradit Plinius, cap. 15. lib. 7. Sed nihil, inquit, facile reperiatur mulierum profluvio magis monstrificum. Acescunt superventu musta, sterilescunt tactae fruges, moriuntur insita, exuruntur hortorum germina, & fructus arborum quibus insedere decidunt: speculorum fulgor aspectu ipso hebetatur, acies ferri praestringitur, eborisque nitor, alvei apum emoriuntur: aes etiam ac ferrum rubigo protinus corripit, odorque dirus aera: & in rabiem aguntur gustato eo canes, atque insanabili veneno morsus inficitur. Quin & bituminum sequax alioquin ac lenta natura, in lacu Iudeae qui vocatur Asphaltites, certo tempore anni supernatans, nequit sibi avelli, ad omnem contactum adhaerens, praeterquam filo, quod tale virus infecerit. Etiam formicis, animali minimo, inesse sensum eius ferunt: abijcique gustatas fruges, nec postea repeti. Et hoc tale tantumque omnibus tricenis diebus, malum in muliere existit; & trimestri spatio largius. Quibusdam vero saepius mense, sicut aliquibus nunquam: sed tales non gignunt, quando haec est generando homini materia, semine e maribus coaguli modo hoc in sese glomerante, quod deinde tempore ipso animatur, corporaturque. Ergo cum gravidis fluxit, invalidi aut non vitales partus eduntur, aut sanioli, ut auctor est Nigidius. Haec Plinius.

There follows: In sorrow you shall bring forth children. It is natural for a woman to bring forth children with labor and pain. For the natural passage of the womb is narrower than that a fetus can go out through it: wherefore the barriers of the womb must be vehemently loosened and dilated beyond their natural constitution, which cannot be done without a great sense of pain. Hear Basil, who, explaining those words of Psalm 114, 'The sorrows of death surrounded me, the perils of hell found me,' writes in this manner: 'Sorrows are properly said of women in labor, when the belly, rising to a swelling, pushes the fetus outward; then those genital parts, torn apart, and stretched by convulsions around the fetus coming forth from the womb, and by the contractions of the fibers, generate most acute pains and vehement torments for those giving birth. But David transferred the pains of birth to the penalties of death, threatening about the living being, in the division of soul and body.' Thus Basil.14

Sequitur, In dolore paries filios. Naturale est mulieri cum labore ac dolore filios parere. Naturalis enim uteri meatus, angustior est, quam ut per eum foetus exire possit: quamobrem claustra uteri, praeter naturalem eius constitutionem vehementer laxari ac dilatari necesse est, quod sine magno doloris sensu fieri non potest. Audi Basilium, qui explanans verba illa Psalmi 114. Circundederunt me dolores mortis, pericula inferni invenerunt me, ad hunc modum scribit: Dolores proprie de parturientibus dicuntur, quando ad tumorem venter insurgens extra foetum pellit: deinde partes illae genitales divexatae, & circum prodeuntem ex utero foetum distenta convulsionibus, ac fibrarum contractionibus acutissimos dolores, & vehementes cruciatus parientibus gignunt. Transtulit autem David dolores partus ad mortis poenas circa animal, in anima & corporis divisione instantes. Sic Basilius.

Si igitur naturale est mulieri parere cum dolore, quomodo Deus Evae pro sceleris admissi poena dolores partus inflixit? Verum in statu innocentiae Deus singulari quadam & supernaturali ratione, mulierem omni labore & dolore partus liberasset, fecissetque ut foetum & sine labore ac molestia in utero gereret, & sine ullo doloris sensu in lucem ederet: qua Dei gratia & beneficio propter peccatum privata mulier, obnoxia fuit doloribus partus. Qui sane dolores simpliciter quidem naturales sunt mulieri: respectu autem habito...
If, then, it is natural for a woman to bring forth with pain, how did God inflict the pains of birth upon Eve as a penalty for the crime committed? But in the state of innocence, God, by a certain singular and supernatural reason, would have freed the woman from all labor and pain of birth, and would have made it that she should carry the fetus in the womb without labor and trouble, and bring it forth into the light without any sense of pain; of which grace and benefit of God, deprived on account of sin, the woman became subject to the pains of birth. Which pains, indeed, are simply natural to the woman; but with regard had...15

...to the state of innocence, in which Eve would have been immune and free from such pains, they ought to be reckoned a penalty of sin. But how could it come about that in the state of innocence a woman should bring forth without pain? Augustine answers (book 14 of the City of God, chapter 26): when the fetus in the womb was already mature for birth, it would then come about that the maternal viscera would spontaneously be loosened so far as to afford the fetus a convenient passage without the mother's pain. Thus, for giving birth (says Augustine), not a groan of pain, but the impulse of maturity would relax the feminine viscera — just as, for conceiving, not the appetite of lust, but a voluntary use would join the nature of both spouses. But it must be known that that freedom from pains in birth could not have proceeded from any natural cause, nor from any supernatural power inhering and remaining in the body and members of the woman herself; but as often as it happened, it happened by a new miracle of God's power — although, because it would have been usual and perpetual in that state, it would not have been held for a miracle.16

bito ad statum innocentiae, in quo ab huiusmodi doloribus immunis & vacua Eva fuisset, peccati poena censeri debent. Sed quomodo fieri potuit, ut in statu innocentiae mulier sine dolore pareret? Respondet Augustinus libro 14. de Civitate Dei, cap. 26. Cum foetus in utero iam partui fuisset maturus, tunc fore, ut materna viscera sponte in tantum laxarentur, ut commodum foetui sine matris dolore transitum praeberent. Sic ad pariendum, ait Augustinus, non doloris gemitus, sed maturitatis impulsus foeminea viscera relaxaret, ut ad concipiendum non libidinis appetitus, sed vel voluntarius usus naturam coniugis utriusque coniungeret. At enim scire oportet, vacuitatem illam dolorum in partu, non tantum non potuisse proficisci ex ulla causa naturali, sed neque ex aliqua virtute supernaturali in corpore & membris ipsius mulieris inhaerente, ac manente esse profectam: verum quotiescumque id fiebat, novo Dei potentiae miraculo fiebat: quanquam quia id fuisset in eo statu usitatum & perpetuum, non fuisset pro miraculo habitum.

Quanta porro & quam multiplex poena sit mulierum in partu, praeter quotidianam experientiam, satis declarat divina Scriptura, magnitudinem alicuius doloris cum exaggerare vult, assimilans eum doloribus parturientium, & Dominus noster in Evangelio, Mulier, inquit, cum parit, tristitiam habet, quia venit hora eius. Ac praeter dolorem, ingruit etiam saepe parienti vitae periculum, non paucis in enixu prolis extinctis, sicut accidit Rachel in partu Benjamin: multique, ut Plinius tradit, enecta parente gignuntur. Sic prior Scipio Africanus natus est, primusque Caesarum a caeso matris utero dictus, qua de causa & Caesones appellati. Simili modo natus & Manlius, qui Carthaginem cum exercitu intravit.
How great, moreover, and how manifold is the penalty of women in childbirth, besides daily experience, divine Scripture sufficiently declares, when, wishing to exaggerate the magnitude of some pain, it likens it to the pains of women in labor; and our Lord in the Gospel says, 'A woman, when she gives birth, has sorrow, because her hour has come.' And besides the pain, often also danger of life befalls the one giving birth, not a few dying in the bringing forth of offspring — as happened to Rachel in the birth of Benjamin; and many, as Pliny hands down, are born with the parent killed. Thus was the elder Scipio Africanus born, and the first of the Caesars was so named from his mother's womb being cut, for which cause they were also called 'Caesones.' In a similar way was born also Manlius, who entered Carthage with an army.17

But about the pains of women in childbirth, Aristotle writes thus (book 7 of the History of Animals, chapter 9): 'When women give birth, the pains bear indeed upon many parts, but for most upon one or the other thigh. Those in whom the gripings vehemently exercise the belly give birth most swiftly; those who feel pain in the loins give birth with difficulty; those [who feel it in] the lower belly, more easily. If a male is born, a thin, somewhat pale discharge flows; but if a female, a bloody one — yet that too is very moist; but it can also happen to some that theirs is otherwise. To other animals births come not laborious, for they seem to be less troubled when they give birth; but to women most vehement pains occur, and especially to the sedentary and chair-bound, and to those whose sides are not good, nor is the faculty of retaining the breath at hand: they also give birth with more difficulty, if meanwhile, while they retain [the breath] by force, they have forcibly burst forth their breathing. First that water, poured out below, flows out through the motion of the fetus, the membranes being ruptured; then the fetus, the womb being inverted, and the afterbirth loosening the internal parts, comes forth into the light.' Thus Aristotle.18

De mulierum autem in partu doloribus haec scribit Aristoteles libro 7. de Historia animalium, capite 9. Mulieribus cum parturiunt, dolores multas quidem in partes incumbunt, sed plurimis ad alterutrum femur. Ceterum quibus alvum tormina vehementer exercent, ocyssime pariunt: quae lumbos dolent, vix pariunt: quae imum ventrem, expeditius. Si mas nascitur, profluit sanies diluta pallidiuscula: sed si foemina, cruenta: verum ea quoque praehumida est, sed fieri quoque potest, nonnullis, ut eorum accidat. Ceteris animalibus partus non laboriosi eveniunt, minus enim cum parturiunt, infestari videntur, at mulieribus dolores vehementissimi incidunt, & praecipue stabilibus & sellularijs, & quibus non bona latera sunt, neque facultas retinendi spiritus suppetit: difficilius etiam edunt, si inter ea dum per vim retinent, coacte eruperint respirationem. Primum aqua illa subter autem fusa, per foetus motionem, ruptis membranis effluit: deinde foetus inverso utero, & secundis interna evolluentibus, foras venit in lucem. Haec Aristoteles.

Restat illud explicandum, quod inter Evae poenas extremo loco ponitur, Et sub viri potestate eris, & ipse dominabitur tui. Fuisset etiam in statu innocentiae mulier sub viri potestate, verum non coacte, nec moleste, nullaque voluntatis repugnantia: cum enim mulier esset integro ani...
It remains to explain that which is placed last among Eve's penalties: And you shall be under the power of the man, and he shall have dominion over you. The woman would have been under the power of the man in the state of innocence too, but not by compulsion, nor troublesomely, nor with any repugnance of will: for since the woman was of an intact mind...19
animo, rectaque mente, non nisi quod erat honestum & rectum expetens, libens gaudensque sub imperio viri fuisset: quia id voluntati divinae, rationique consentaneum esse intelligebat. Imperium quoque viri fuisset plenum aequitatis atque charitatis: nec uxor habita esset ut serva & ancilla, sed ut charissima vitae socia, & consiliorum atque officiorum mariti particeps, & ad generationem prolis, atque educationem adiutrix. Post peccatum autem gravis poena est mulieri subesse viro: tum ob ingenij muliebris levitatem atque vanitatem, animique superbiam iniquo animo maritum sibi praeesse ferentis: tum etiam quia plerumque viri uxores suas superbe, iracunde, & aspere tractantes: imperium eis suum onerosum, acerbum, & odiosum faciunt.
...of an intact and upright mind, seeking nothing but what was honest and right, she would willingly and gladly have been under the command of the man, because she understood it to be consonant with the divine will and with reason. The command of the man too would have been full of equity and charity; nor would the wife have been held as a slave and handmaid, but as the dearest companion of life, and a partaker of her husband's counsels and duties, and a helper for the generation and education of offspring. But after sin it is a grave penalty for the woman to be under the man: both because of the levity and vanity of the female disposition, and the pride of a mind that bears with an unjust spirit the husband's being set over her; and also because usually men, treating their wives proudly, angrily, and harshly, make their command over them burdensome, bitter, and odious.20
Beatus Hieronymus in traditionibus Hebraicis in Genesim, variam ponit horum verborum lectionem. Nam Septuaginta verterunt: Et ad virum conversio tua: Aquila, Ad virum societas tua: Symmachus, Ad virum appetitus, vel impetus tuus. Certe Hebraea, si quis verbum pro verbo reddat, hoc sonant, Ad virum desiderium vel concupiscentia tua [vox Hebraea est ואל אישך תשוקתך, Ischeth teshukatec]. Atque harum lectionum haec videtur sententia: Quamvis in enixu prolis maximos perpessura sis cruciatus: mox tamen, quasi dolorum oblita, rursus ad virum converteris, & congressum eius expetes, ut ex eo iterum concipias prolem, tanta, scilicet, est insita mulieribus aut rabies libidinis, aut potius generandae prolis cupiditas. Vel aliter potest hoc intelligi: Omnia tua optata, omnes cogitationes, & cura officiaque ad virum tuum conversa erunt: videlicet illum spe...
Blessed Jerome, in the Hebrew Traditions on Genesis, gives a variant reading of these words. For the Seventy rendered, 'And your turning [shall be] to the man'; Aquila, 'To the man your fellowship'; Symmachus, 'To the man your appetite, or impulse.' Certainly the Hebrew, if one render it word for word, sounds thus: 'To the man your desire, or your concupiscence' [the Hebrew word is ואל אישך תשוקתך (Ischeth teshukatec)]. And the meaning of these readings seems to be this: 'Although in the bringing-forth of offspring you will suffer the greatest torments, yet soon, as if forgetful of the pains, you will again turn to the man, and desire his union, that from him you may again conceive offspring' — so great, indeed, is either the madness of lust implanted in women, or rather the desire of generating offspring. Or it can be understood otherwise: 'All your wishes, all your thoughts, and care and duties will be turned to your husband; namely, you will look to him...'21
spectabis, ex illius studio, sermone, nutuque tota pendebis. Foemina enim cum a viro accipiat victum, vestitum, prolem, ac fere omnia, quae optare potest: velit nolit, ex viro pendere cogitur.
...you will look to him, and will wholly depend upon his zeal, his speech, and his nod. For a woman, since from the man she receives food, clothing, offspring, and almost everything she can wish for, is compelled, willing or unwilling, to depend on the man.22

But this passage, on the subjection of the woman under the man's power, must be illustrated by two excellent opinions — one of St. Augustine, and the other of Rupert. In book 11 On Genesis according to the Letter, chapter 27, Augustine has thus: 'It must be seen how that can properly be taken which was said to the woman, And your turning [shall be] to the man, and he shall have dominion over you. For neither before sin is it fitting to believe it was otherwise, than that the man should have dominion over the woman, and she should turn to him by serving. But it can rightly be said that this servitude was signified which is of a certain condition rather than of love — so that even that servitude, by which men afterward began to serve men, is found to have arisen from the penalty of sin. Paul indeed said, Through charity serve one another; but the Apostle does not permit the woman to have dominion over the man: for this the sentence of God rather conferred on the man; and that she should have the husband as lord, not the woman's nature, but her fault, deserved — which, however, unless it be kept, nature will be further depraved, and the fault increased.' Thus Augustine.23

Verum illustrandus est hic locus de subiectione mulieris, sub viri potestatem duabus egregiis sententiis, una B. Augustini, & altera Ruperti. In libro 11. de Genesi ad litteram, capite 27. sic habet Augustinus: Videndum est quemadmodum proprie possit accipi illud, quod mulieri dictum est, Et ad virum conversio tua, & ipse dominabitur tui. Neque enim & ante peccatum aliter fuisse decet credere, nisi ut vir mulieri dominaretur, & ad eum ipsa serviendo converteretur. Sed recte dici potest, hanc servitutem significatam, quae cuiusdam conditionis est potius quam dilectionis: ut etiam ipsa talis servitus, qua homines hominibus postea servire coeperunt, de poena peccati reperiatur exorta. Dixit quidem Paulus, Per charitatem servite invicem: sed mulierem dominari in virum non permittit Apostolus: hoc enim viro potius Dei sententia detulit, & maritum habere dominum, meruit mulieris non natura, sed culpa: quod tamen nisi servetur, depravabitur amplius natura, & augebitur culpa. Sic Augustinus.

But Rupert, in book 3 On the Works of the Trinity, chapter 21, thinks it is of a graver domination for the wife to be under the man as under a lord, than to be under the man's power. For he writes in this manner: 'But it can still rightly be asked, What that is — for the woman to be under the man's power, and the man to be the woman's lord...'24

Rupertus vero lib. 3. de operibus Trinitatis, cap. 21. putat, gravioris esse dominationis, uxorem esse sub viro tanquam sub domino, quam esse sub viri potestate. Hoc enim modo scribit: Sed adhuc recte quaeri potest, Quid illud sit, mulierem sub viri potestate esse, & virum mulieris Domi...

'...the woman's lord — since he said both, And you shall be under the man's power, and he shall have dominion over you. To this it must be answered, that it is of a stronger domination for the woman to be under a lord than to be under the power of the man. For according to the Roman laws too, the woman is under the man's power before she comes into the hand of the man — under the power of the man, I say, yet not as of a lord, but as of a guardian, so that without his authority she may not make a will. But she who comes into the hand of the man, much more, as long as the man lives, may not make a will without the man; whence the woman who comes into the hand of the man is said to be capite diminuta (diminished in civil status). So much so that among the Gentiles too, who had not read this Scripture, or did not observe the precepts of this true God, this law naturally prevailed, which the Lord of nature imposed, saying to the woman, And you shall be under the power of the man, and he shall have dominion over you.'25

num esse, quoniam utrumque dixit, Et sub viri potestate eris, & ipse dominabitur tui. Ad hoc respondendum, valentioris esse dominationis, mulierem sub Domino, quam sub potestate viri esse. Nam & secundum Romanas leges, sub viri potestate est mulier antequam in manum viri conveniat: sub potestate, inquam, viri verumtamen non tanquam Domini, sed tanquam tutoris, ita ut sine auctoritate eius, testamentum illi facere non liceat. Quae autem in manum viri convenit, multo magis quamdiu vixerit vir, testamentum illi sine viro facere non licebit: unde & capite diminuta dicitur mulier, quae in manum viri convenit. Adeo apud Gentiles quoque, qui hanc Scripturam non legerant vel huius veri Dei praecepta non observabant, haec lex naturaliter valuit, quam Dominus naturae imposuit dicens mulieri, Et sub viri potestate eris, & ipse dominabitur tui.

'Yet certain barbarous nations, as [they confused] other things, so confused this order of nature, that a woman without a head — that is, without her husband — should exercise power and dominion over men. Whence also, in a Roman advocate, a woman defends her cause by saying, among other things: I, a woman, shall not be the first to hold the cities of the Nile; with no distinction of sex, Pharos knows how to bear a queen. But nevertheless it must be called not so much a right or law as a usurpation. Rightly, therefore, he did not only say, You shall be under the power of the man — for a little male boy too is under the power of the man, that is, of a guardian — but added, And he shall have dominion over you: namely, that the woman is never free from under the yoke of the man, but both her age and her condition [is] first under the power of the man as guardian, and then, when she comes into the hand of the man by the lawful tablets of marriage, under the dominion of the man.'26

Quaedam tamen barbarae nationes, sicut cetera ita ut hunc naturae ordinem confuderunt, ut mulier sine capite, id est, sine viro suo super viros ageret potestatem & dominium. Unde & apud Romanum defensorem: mulier causam suam tuetur sic inter alia dicendo: Non urbes prima tenebo Foemina Niliacas: nullo discrimine sexus, Reginam scit ferre Pharos. Verumtamen non tam ius aut lex, quam usurpatio dicenda est. Recte ergo non tantum dixit, Sub viri potestate eris: nam & puerulus masculus sub viri, id est, tutoris potestate est: sed addidit, Et ipse dominabitur tui: scilicet, ut nunquam mulier libera sit de sub iugo viri, sed eius tam aetas quam conditio primum sub potestate viri tutoris, & deinde cum in manum viri per legitimas coniugij tabulas venerit, sub Dominio viri sit.

'But to chaste and faithful women, benevolence makes this third penalty null, or very light; and it not only does not harm, but is even a matter of praise. Wherefore Peter the Apostle too, exhorting women to spontaneous subjection, says, Likewise let women also be subject to their own husbands. For so also, sometimes, holy women, hoping in God, adorned themselves, subject to their own husbands, as Sara obeyed Abraham, calling him Lord,' etc. Thus Rupert.27

Verum castis & fidelibus mulieribus, hanc tertiam poenam benevolentia nullam, aut levissimam efficit. Et non solum non obest, sed etiam laudi est. Propter quod & Petrus Apostolus mulieres ad subiectionem spontaneam cohortans dicit, Similiter & mulieres subditae sint viris suis. Sic enim aliquando & sanctae mulieres sperantes in Deo ornabant se subiectae proprijs viris, sicut Sara obediebat Abrahae, Dominum eum vocans, &c. Ita Rupertus.

Translator’s notes

  1. New lemma: Genesis 3:16.
  2. Rupert, De Trinitate 3.22, on Gen 3:16: the woman is punished with a TRIPLE penalty for her triple sin (she believed the serpent over God; she coveted the forbidden fruit; she led the man into transgression) — becoming 'the mother of the dead' (her conceptions die in sin unless vivified through Christ). Marginal gloss: 'Cur triplici poena mulier sit mulctata.' Catchword: 'contrarius' (continues on the next page).
  3. Conclusion of Rupert, De Trinitate 3.22: the three penalties matched to the woman's three sins (multiplied conceptions for the seduction; the womb's pain for gluttony; servitude to the man for her rash command). Running head misprinted '678' (= true 688 minus 10); true printed page 688.
  4. The problem: if multiplying offspring is a good (even intended for Paradise and the state of innocence), how is it a penalty? Hieronymus Oleaster (Jerónimo de Azambuja) reads 'multiply your conceptions' as the nine-month gestation — which, but for sin, would have been instant. Marginal gloss: 'Quomodo multiplicatio conceptus, sit poena mulieris.'
  5. Oleaster refuted: gestation is natural (like the fetus's place, nourishment, and growth), and so was not a penalty introduced by sin. Marginal gloss: 'Refellitur Oleaster.'
  6. Four reasons the multiplied conception is a penalty after sin: (1) miscarriage; (2) monstrous/deformed births; (3) few are elect, most are damned; (4) the torment of parents through poverty, or the children's wicked lives, or miserable deaths. Marginal gloss: 'Quatuor ob causas multiplicatio conceptus, poena fuit post peccatum.'
  7. Rupert, De Trinitate 3.22 (quotation resumed): this multiplication is of damnation, wrath, and vengeance, not of blessing — hence 'I will multiply your conceptions AND your sorrows'; the more fruitful the woman, the more sorrowful. Catchword: 'sana' (continues on the next page).
  8. Conclusion of Rupert (De Trinitate 3.22): woman as the only menstruating animal; the wrath that so many are born who are not for eternal life; had nature stayed uncorrupted, only good men would have grown (the barren trees fit for the fire). Marginal glosses: 'Mulier unum & solum est menstruum animal'; 'Si Adam non peccasset omnes fuissent boni.' Running head misprinted '679' (= true 689 minus 10); true printed page 689.
  9. The phrase 'multiply your conceptions and your sorrows' explained as a Hebrew idiom for the pains and afflictions of pregnancy. HEBREW GLYPH verified by magnification: עצבנך (Itsbonech; read right-to-left, ayin-tsadi-bet-nun-final kaf; = 'your sorrow/pain/toil'; the Gen 3:16 word, here in defective spelling without the vav). Marginal gloss: 'Vox Hebraea est עצבנך, Itsbonech.' Then Pliny (Naturalis Historia 7.6-7) on the signs and troubles of pregnancy (with the male/female differences). Marginal gloss: 'Incommoda mulierum gestantium in utero. Plinius.'
  10. Pliny (concluded, Nat. Hist. 7.6-7, on the languor and hazards of pregnancy; 'how frivolous is the origin of the proudest of animals'), then Pliny's source, Aristotle (Historia Animalium 7.4), transcribed on the same symptoms of pregnancy. Marginal gloss: 'Superbissimi animalium hominis origo vilissima.'
  11. Aristotle (continued, Historia Animalium 7.4): the differing symptoms for carrying a male vs. a female; the changeable cravings of pregnancy (called 'picare' from the magpie). Catchword: 'ter appe' (= appetierunt, continues on the next page); page footer signature 'SSS.'
  12. Conclusion of the Aristotle/Pliny material on pregnancy (loathing of food when the fetus's hair begins; the pain duller from a female fetus, sharper from a male). Running head misprinted '680' (= true 690 minus 10); true printed page 690.
  13. Pliny, Naturalis Historia 7.15, on the ancient (mistaken) beliefs about the 'monstrous' power of menstrual blood (souring wine, blighting crops, dimming mirrors, rusting metal, maddening dogs, the Dead Sea/Asphaltites bitumen, ants); it is held to be the material of generation (citing Nigidius Figulus). Marginal gloss: 'Plinius de foeditate menstrui mulieris.'
  14. On 'In sorrow you shall bring forth children': the pain of birth is natural (the narrow passage of the womb must be forcibly dilated). Basil, on Psalm 114:3, on the pangs of labor. Marginal gloss: 'De acerbitate dolorum mulieris in partu.'
  15. If birth pain is natural, how is it a penalty? In the state of innocence God would have freed the woman supernaturally from all pain; deprived of that gift by sin, she became subject to the pains — which are natural in themselves, but a penalty in respect of the lost gift. Catchword: 'habito' (continues on the next page).
  16. How a painless birth would have been possible in innocence — Augustine (De Civitate Dei 14.26): the mature viscera would relax spontaneously; conceiving by a voluntary use, not lust. The painlessness would have been not from a natural or an inherent supernatural power, but a continual miracle of God (not held a 'miracle' because it would have been perpetual). Marginal gloss: 'Quemadmodum in statu innocentiae mulier sine dolore peperisset.' Running head misprinted '681' (= true 691 minus 10); true printed page 691.
  17. How great the childbirth penalty: Scripture likens great pain to labor (John 16:21). The danger of death (Rachel in the birth of Benjamin, Gen 35:18); Caesarean births ('from the cut womb'), whence Scipio Africanus, the first 'Caesar,' the Caesones, and Manlius (Pliny 7.9). Marginal glosses: 'Ioan. 16'; 'Genes. 35'; 'Plin. lib. 7. cap. 9.'
  18. Aristotle, Historia Animalium 7.9, on the pains of labor (the site of the pain — thigh, loins, belly; the male vs. female discharge; sedentary women; the breaking of the waters and the afterbirth). Marginal gloss: 'Non ut hominis partus sic ceterorum animalium esse laboriosos.'
  19. The last of Eve's penalties, 'you shall be under the power of the man' — she would have been subject to the man in the state of innocence too, but freely, not by compulsion (so how is it a penalty?). Marginal gloss: 'Quomodo poena fuerit mulieris esse sub viro, cum ita fuisset etiam in statu innocentiae.' Catchword: 'animo' (continues on the next page).
  20. In the state of innocence the woman would have obeyed the man freely (his command of equity and charity, she a dear companion, not a slave); but after sin it is a grave penalty, both because of her disposition (which resents his rule) and because men often rule harshly. Running head misprinted '682' (= true 692 minus 10); true printed page 692.
  21. Jerome, Quaestiones (Traditiones) Hebraicae in Genesim, on the variant readings of 'your turning shall be to the man' (Gen 3:16b): LXX 'conversion/turning'; Aquila 'fellowship'; Symmachus 'appetite/impulse'; the Hebrew literally 'desire/concupiscence.' HEBREW GLYPH verified by magnification: ואל אישך תשוקתך (ve-el ishekh teshukatekh, 'and to your husband [shall be] your desire'; the two clear words are אישך 'your husband' and תשוקתך 'your desire'), transliterated in the margin as 'Ischeth teshukatec.' Interpretations: she returns to the man despite the birth pains (from lust or the desire of offspring); or all her care depends on the man. Marginal gloss: 'Varia lectio huius loci. Hebraea sunt ואל אישך תשוקתך.' Catchword: 'spectabis' (continues below).
  22. The woman wholly depends on the man (for food, clothing, offspring) — willing or unwilling.
  23. First opinion — Augustine, De Genesi ad litteram 11.27: a subjection existed before sin, but of love; after sin, of a servile 'condition' (whence all human servitude arose); that the woman should have the husband as lord is deserved not by her nature but by her fault (Gal 5:13, 'per charitatem servite invicem'; 1 Tim 2:12, the woman not to have dominion over the man). Marginal glosses: 'Mulieris servitus conditionis potius est quam dilectionis'; 'Galat. 5'; '1. Timot. 2.'
  24. Second opinion — Rupert, De operibus Trinitatis 3.21: it is of a graver domination for the wife to be 'under a lord' than 'under the power.' Marginal gloss: 'Rupertus.' Catchword: 'Dominum' (continues on the next page).
  25. Rupert (De operibus Trinitatis 3.21): being 'under a lord' is a graver domination than 'under the power' — illustrated from Roman law (a woman is under the man's power as a guardian's, and may not make a will without him; entering his manus she is 'capite diminuta'); this law prevailed even among the Gentiles. Marginal gloss: 'Viri in muliere potestas quanta iure civili.' Running head misprinted '683' (= true 693 minus 10); true printed page 693.
  26. Rupert (continued): certain barbarous nations let women rule (with a verse from Lucan, Pharsalia 10, on Egypt's willingness to be ruled by a queen) — but this is usurpation, not right; 'you shall be under the power' is like a boy under a guardian, while 'he shall have dominion' means she is never free from the man's yoke (first the guardian, then the husband's dominion). Marginal glosses: 'Feminam viris imperare contra naturae ordinem est'; 'Luc. lib. 10.'
  27. Rupert (conclusion): for chaste and faithful women, benevolence makes this third penalty null or very light, and even praiseworthy (1 Pet 3:1, 5-6, 'let women be subject to their own husbands'; Sara obeying Abraham and calling him lord, Gen 18:12). Marginal glosses: '2. Pet. 3' (properly 1 Pet 3); 'Genes. 18.'