Library / Commentaries and Disputations on Genesis, Volume I

Book Seven — Cain and Abel

QUESTION III. Whether in this computation of years one should stand by the translation of the LXX interpreters, or rather by the Hebrew Scripture

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QUESTION III. Whether in this computation of years one should stand by the translation of the LXX interpreters, or rather by the Hebrew Scripture.1

QUAESTIO III. Utrum in hac computatione annorum, standum sit translationi LXX. interpretum, an potius Scripturae Hebraicae.

SED dicet aliquis, in tanta annorum varietate, quantam cernimus esse, inter codices Hebraeos & Septuaginta interpretum, quid nobis sequendum est? Respondeo cum B. Augustino libro 15. de Civitate Dei, cap. 13. Cum B. Hieronymo in libro Hebraicarum quaestionum super Genesim: cum Beda
But someone will say: in so great a variety of years as we see there is between the Hebrew codices and those of the Seventy interpreters, what must we follow? I answer, with blessed Augustine (book 15 of the City of God, ch. 13), with blessed Jerome (in the book of Hebrew Questions on Genesis), with Bede...2
Beda in libro de Sex aetatibus mundi, non solum in hoc de quo nunc agitur, sed ubicunque Graeci codices ita discrepant ab Hebraeis, ut nulla ratione concordari possint, potius his quam illis credendum & standum esse: praesertim cum Hebraica Scriptura non sicut Graeca, notis numerorum utatur, quas facile est perverti & vitiari, sed proprie ipsorum numerorum nomina adhibeat. Si enim codices Graecos Septuaginta interpretum sequi volumus, necesse est nos facere Mathusalem post diluvium annos sexdecim superstitem: quod ipsa scriptura docet esse falsum, quippe quae tradit octo duntaxat animas diluvii exitium evasisse, Noe cum sua uxore, & tres eius filios cum tribus eorum uxoribus. Codices namque Graeci habent, Mathusalem cum esset centum sexagintaquinque annorum, genuisse Lamech: ab ortu autem Lamech usque ad sexcentesimum annum vitae Noe quo diluvium accidit, numerant annos septingentos octoginta octo: ipsi vero Mathusalem post genitum Lamech, tribuunt quatuor & octingentos annos: secundum quam supputationem necesse est Mathusalem annis sexdecim post diluvium vixisse. Hoc autem incommodum non attingit codices Hebraeos, secundum quos cum Mathusalem natus annos centum octoginta septem genuerit Lamech, ipse autem Lamech cum esset annorum centum octogintaduorum genuerit Noe, efficitur ut principio anni, quo evenit diluvium, mortuus fuerit Mathusalem: ab ortu namque Lamech usque ad sexcentesimum annum Noe & initium diluvii, sunt anni septingenti octoginta duo: totidem autem annis Scriptura Hebraica facit superstitem Mathusalem post ortum Lamech.
...and Bede (in the book on the Six Ages of the world): that not only in this matter now treated, but wherever the Greek codices so differ from the Hebrew that they can by no reasoning be reconciled, one must rather believe and stand by these [the Hebrew] than those [the Greek] — especially since the Hebrew Scripture, unlike the Greek, does not use number-symbols, which are easily perverted and corrupted, but properly uses the names of the numbers themselves. For if we wish to follow the Greek codices of the Seventy interpreters, it is necessary for us to make Mathusalem survive the flood by sixteen years — which the Scripture itself teaches to be false, since it hands down that only eight souls escaped the destruction of the flood: Noe with his wife, and his three sons with their three wives. For the Greek codices have that Mathusalem, when he was 165 years old, begot Lamech; and from the birth of Lamech to the six-hundredth year of Noah's life, in which the flood happened, they number 788 years; but to Mathusalem, after Lamech was begotten, they attribute 804 years: according to which reckoning it is necessary that Mathusalem lived sixteen years after the flood. But this inconvenience does not touch the Hebrew codices, according to which — since Mathusalem, born 187 years, begot Lamech, and Lamech himself, when he was 182 years old, begot Noe — it results that at the beginning of the year in which the flood happened, Mathusalem died. For from the birth of Lamech to the six-hundredth year of Noe and the beginning of the flood there are 782 years; and the Hebrew Scripture makes Mathusalem survive for the same number of years after Lamech's birth.3
Quod dixi de supputatione annorum Mathusale secundum codices Graecos, id volo e lectore intelligi de iis, qui nunc extant. Nam antiqui, quos citat Augusti. lib. 15. de Civitate Dei cap. 11. & Hieronymus de traditionibus Hebraicis in Genesim, tribuunt Mathusalae ante genitum Lamech centum sexagintaseptem annos, & ipsi Lamech ante genitum Noe centum octogintaocto: quo fit ut Mathusale supersint quatuordecim anni tempore diluvii, licet August. praedicto lib. c. 13. tradat in tribus codicibus Graecis & uno Latino, unoque Siro similiter inveniri Mathusala mortuum sex annis ante diluvium.
What I said about the reckoning of Mathusale's years according to the Greek codices, I wish the reader to understand of those which now exist. For the ancients, whom Augustine cites (book 15 of the City of God, ch. 11) and Jerome (on the Hebrew Traditions in Genesis), attribute to Mathusale before the begetting of Lamech 167 years, and to Lamech himself before the begetting of Noe 188 years: whereby it happens that Mathusale has fourteen years remaining at the time of the flood — although Augustine, in the aforesaid book (ch. 13), reports that in three Greek codices, and one Latin, and one Syriac, Mathusale is similarly found dead six years before the flood.4
SEQUAMUR igitur scripturam Hebraicam & nostram editionem vulgatam: praesertim cum illa annorum additio inanis & vitiosa sit, non modo ad Scripturam non pertinens, sed ut late disputat supradicto loco August. nec ab ipsis LXX. interpretibus profecta, verum ab eo qui primus translationem LXX. interpretum, ex libro qui erat in bibliotheca Ptolemaei descripsit, ficta, & Scripturae inserta. Ex quo libro cum caeteri omnes codices descripti fuerint, mirum non est hoc vitium ad omnes codices ex uno quasi fonte dimanasse. Quid autem primum illum scriptorem moverit ut eiusmodi additionem comminisceretur, disquirit atque discutit eo quem supra posuimus loco B. August. cuius coniecturas, quoniam id ad explanationem nostrae Chronologiae nonnihil pertinet, & quia non omnibus fortasse
Let us therefore follow the Hebrew Scripture and our Vulgate edition — especially since that addition of years is empty and faulty, not only not pertaining to Scripture, but (as Augustine widely disputes in the aforesaid place) not proceeding from the LXX interpreters themselves, but from him who first copied the translation of the LXX interpreters from the book that was in Ptolemy's library — feigned, and inserted into the Scripture. And since all the other codices were copied from that book, it is no wonder that this fault flowed to all the codices, as if from one source. But what first moved that scribe to devise such an addition, blessed Augustine investigates and discusses in the place we cited above; whose conjectures — since this pertains somewhat to the explanation of our Chronology, and because perhaps not to all [they are known]...5
...fortasse haec legentibus ad manum erit volumen Augustini, universa eius disputatione hic adscripta commemorare libuit.
...since perhaps Augustine's volume will be ready at hand to those who read these things, I have been pleased to record his entire disputation, here transcribed.6

Augustine, then, writes thus in book 15 of the City of God, chapter 13: But when I have said this, at once the reply will be made that this is a Jewish lie -- a charge already sufficiently dealt with above. For that the Seventy translators, men deservedly celebrated, could have lied is hard to believe. And if I ask which is the more credible -- that the Jewish nation, so far and wide dispersed, could have conspired with one accord to write down this falsehood, and, grudging others the authority, robbed themselves of the truth; or that seventy men, who were themselves also Jews, gathered in one place (since Ptolemy king of Egypt had drawn them together for this work), grudged the very truth to foreign nations and did this by common agreement -- who does not see which is the readier and easier thing to believe? Far be it, then, that any prudent person should believe either that Jews of whatever perversity and malice could have done so much across codices so many and so far and widely scattered, or that those memorable Seventy men shared one plan to begrudge the nations the truth. It is more credible, therefore, that when these texts first began to be copied from Ptolemy's Library, something of this kind could have happened in a single codex -- the one first copied from the source, whence it then spread more widely -- where indeed even a scribe's error could have occurred. And it is not absurd to suspect this in that question about the life of Methuselah, and in that other place where, with twenty-four years left over, the sum does not agree. But in those cases where a like corruption runs continuously -- so that before the begetting of the son who is entered into the line a hundred years are in one place present and in another lacking, while after the begetting, where they were lacking they are present and where they were present they are lacking, so that the total agrees (and this is found in the first, second, third, fourth, fifth, and seventh generation) -- the error itself seems to have, if one may say so, a certain consistency, and smells not of chance but of design. And so let that diversity of the numbers, standing otherwise in the Greek and Latin codices and otherwise in the Hebrew -- where there is no such continuous evenness of a hundred years first added and afterward subtracted through so many generations -- be assigned neither to the malice of the Jews nor to the diligence or prudence of the Seventy translators, but to the error of the scribe who first received the codex to be copied from the aforesaid king's Library. For even now, where numbers do not bear on anything that can be easily grasped or that seems useful to learn, they are both carelessly copied and still more carelessly corrected. For who would think he must learn how many thousands of men each tribe of Israel could severally have had, since it is reckoned to be of no use? And how few men are there to whom the usefulness of this appears? But here, where through so many woven generations a hundred years are in one place present and in another lacking, and after the son who was to be commemorated is born they are lacking where they had been present and present where they had been lacking, so that the sum harmonizes -- surely because he who did this, wishing to persuade that the ancients lived such very numerous years because they reckoned them as the shortest, and trying to show this from the maturity of puberty at which sons fit for begetting were engendered, and so thinking that in those hundred years ten of ours were to be suggested to the incredulous, lest men refuse to accept in faith that men lived so long -- he added a hundred where he did not find an age suited to the begetting of sons; and the same hundred, after the sons were begotten, so that the total might agree, he subtracted.7

Sic igitur Augustinus libro 15 de Civitate Dei, capite 13, scribit: Sed cum hoc dixero, continuo referetur illud Iudaeorum esse mendacium, de quo superius satis actum est. Nam LXX interpretes, laudabiliter celebratos viros, potuisse mentiri difficile est. Ubi si quaeram quid sit credibilius -- Iudaeorum gentem tam longe lateque diffusam in hoc conscribendum mendacium uno consilio conspirare potuisse, et dum aliis invideant auctoritatem, sibi abstulisse veritatem; an Septuaginta homines, qui etiam ipsi Iudaei erant, in uno loco positos (quoniam rex Aegypti Ptolemaeus eos ad hoc opus asciverat) ipsam veritatem gentibus alienigenis invidisse, et communicato istud tunc fecisse consilio -- quis non videat quid proclivius faciliusque credatur? Sed absit ut prudens quispiam vel Iudaeos cuiuslibet perversitatis atque malitiae tantum potuisse credat in codicibus tam multis et tam longe lateque dispersis, vel Septuaginta illos memorabiles viros hoc de invidenda gentibus veritate unum communicasse consilium. Credibilius ergo quis dixerit, cum primum de Bibliotheca Ptolemaei describi ista coeperunt, tunc aliquid tale fieri potuisse in codice uno, scilicet primitus inde descripto, unde iam latius emanaret, ubi potuit quidem accidere etiam scriptoris error. Sed hoc in illa quaestione de vita Mathusalem non absurdum est suspicari, et in illo alio ubi, superantibus vigintiquattuor annis, summa non convenit. In his autem in quibus continuatur ipsius mendositatis similitudo -- ita ut ante genitum filium qui ordini inseritur alibi supersint centum anni, alibi desint; post genitum autem, ubi deerant supersint, ubi supererant desint, ut summa conveniat (et hoc in prima, secunda, tertia, quarta, quinta, septima generatione invenitur) -- videtur habere quandam, si dici potest, error ipse constantiam, nec casum redolet sed industriam. Itaque illa diversitas numerorum aliter se habentium in codicibus Graecis et Latinis, aliter in Hebraeis, ubi non est ista de centum annis prius additis et postea detractis per tot generationes continuata parilitas, nec malitiae Iudaeorum nec diligentiae vel prudentiae Septuaginta interpretum, sed scriptoris tribuatur errori, qui de Bibliotheca supradicti regis codicem describendum primus accepit. Nam etiam nunc, ubi numeri non faciunt intentum ad aliquid quod facile possit intelligi vel quod appareat utiliter disci, et negligenter describuntur et negligentius emendantur. Quis enim existimet sibi esse discendum quot millia hominum tribus Israel sigillatim habere potuerint, quoniam prodesse aliquid non putatur? Et quotusquisque hominum est cui profundis utilitatis huius appareat? Hic vero ubi per tot contextas generationes centum anni alibi adsunt, alibi desunt, et post natum qui commemorandus fuerat filium desunt ubi adfuerunt, adsunt ubi defuerunt, ut summa concordet: nimirum cum vellet persuadere qui hoc fecit ideo numerosissimos annos vixisse antiquos quod eos brevissimos nuncupabant, et hoc de maturitate pubertatis qua idonea filii gignerentur conaretur ostendere, atque ideo in illis centum annis decem nostros insinuandos putaret incredulis, ne homines tamdiu vixisse recipere in fidem nollent, addidit centum ubi gignendis filiis habilem non invenit aetatem; eosdemque post genitos filios, ut congrueret summa, detraxit.

...subtracted. For thus he wished to make the fitting begetting-ages credible, yet so as not to defraud the individual lives of any of their total years. But that in the sixth generation he did not do this is the very thing that more strongly shows he did it deliberately when, as we said, the matter demanded it -- because he did not do it where it was not demanded. For he found that in that same generation among the Hebrews Jared lived, before he begot Enoch, one hundred sixty-two years, which by that reckoning of short years come to sixteen years and a little less than two months -- an age already fit for begetting; and so there was no need to add a hundred short years to make ours twenty-six, nor after Enoch's birth to subtract those he had not added before it: thus it came about that here there was no variance between the two texts. But again it gives pause why in the eighth generation, before Lamech was born of Methuselah, whereas among the Hebrews one hundred eighty-two years are read, twenty fewer (or as another reading has it, twenty-two) are found in our codices, where a hundred is rather usually added; and after Lamech is begotten they are restored to complete the sum, which does not differ in the two texts. For if he wished the hundred seventy years to be understood, on account of the maturity of puberty, as seventeen, then just as he ought to add nothing, so now he ought to subtract nothing, because he had found an age suited to the begetting of sons -- for which reason in other cases he added those hundred years where he did not find it. This matter of the twenty years we might rightly suppose could have happened by chance corruption, were it not that he took care afterward to restore them, as he had first subtracted them, so that the integrity of the total should agree. Or is it rather to be thought done more cunningly, so that the design by which a hundred years are usually first added and afterward subtracted might be concealed -- since even there where it had not been necessary, not indeed by a hundred years but by however small a number first subtracted and afterward restored, some such thing was done? But however this be taken -- whether it be believed to have been done so or not, whether finally it be so or not so -- I should in no way doubt that it is rightly done that, when something different is found in the two codices, since for the credit of the events both cannot be true, credence should rather be given to the language from which the translation into the other was made by the translators. For in certain codices too -- three Greek, one Latin, and one Syriac agreeing among themselves -- Methuselah is found to have died six years before the flood. Thus far the words of Augustine.8

detraxit. Sic quippe voluit credibiles facere idonearum generandae prolis convenientias aetatum, ut tamen numero non fraudaret universas aetates viventium singulorum. Quod autem in sexta generatione id non fecit, hoc ipsum est quod magis movet illum ideo fecisse, cum res quam diximus postulavit, quia non fecit ubi non postulavit. Invenit namque in eadem generatione apud Hebraeos vixisse Iared, antequam genuisset Henoch, centum sexaginta duos annos, qui secundum illam rationem brevium annorum fiunt anni sexdecim et aliquid minus quam menses duo, quae iam aetas apta est ad generandum; et ideo addere centum annos breves, ut nostri viginti sex fierent, necesse non fuit, nec post natum Henoch eos detrahere quos non addiderat ante natum: sic factum est ut hinc nulla esset inter codices utrosque varietas. Sed rursus movet cur in octava generatione, antequam de Mathusalem nasceretur Lamech, cum apud Hebraeos legantur centum octoginta duo anni, viginti (vel ut alia lectio habet vigintiduo) minus inveniantur in codicibus nostris, ubi potius addi centum solent; et post genitum Lamech complendam restituuntur ad summam, quae in codicibus utrisque non discrepat. Si enim centum septuaginta annos propter pubertatis maturitatem decem et septem volebat intelligi, sicut nihil addere ita nihil detrahere iam debebat, quia invenerat aetatem idoneam generationi filiorum, propter quam in aliis centum illos annos, ubi eam non inveniebat, addebat. Hoc autem de viginti annis merito putaremus casu mendositatis accidere potuisse, nisi eos, sicut prius detraxerat, restituere postea curaret, ut summae conveniret integritas. An forte astutius factum existimandum est, ut illa qua centum anni prius solent adici et postea detrahi occultaretur industria, cum et illic ubi necesse non fuerat -- non quidem de centum annis, verumtamen de quantulocumque numero prius detracto post reddito -- tale quid fieret? Sed quomodolibet istud accipiatur, sive credatur ita esse factum sive non credatur, sive postremo ita sive non ita sit, recte fieri nullo modo dubitaverim ut, cum diversum aliquid in utrisque codicibus invenitur, quandoquidem ad fidem rerum gestarum utrumque esse non potest verum, ei linguae potius credatur unde est in aliam per Interpretes facta translatio. Nam in quibusdam etiam codicibus, Graecis tribus et uno Latino et uno etiam Syro inter se consentientibus, inventus est Mathusalem sex annis ante diluvium fuisse defunctus. Hucusque sunt verba Augustini.

Non me fugit (quod etiam nuper annotavit sub finem sui Apparatus ad Annales Ecclesiasticos Caesar Baronius, eruditus sane, pius ac diligens rerum Ecclesiasticarum scriptor) plerosque veterum, tam Graecorum quam Latinorum, Chronologiam quae hoc loco est in translatione LXX interpretum sequi maluisse, quod eam translationem illi cernerent multis saeculis esse in Ecclesia Dei reverenter usurpatam religioseque cultam, atque ob eam causam aliqua in parte eam mutare aut non sequi religioni haberent. Sed apud me (quantum ad Chronologiam de qua nunc agitur) auctoritas Scripturae Hebraicae ac Latinae versionis vulgatae, necnon et duorum principum Ecclesiae Doctorum Hieronymi atque Augustini iudicium et sententia praeponderat.
It does not escape me (as Caesar Baronius -- a truly learned, pious, and diligent writer of ecclesiastical matters -- also recently noted at the end of his Apparatus to the Ecclesiastical Annals) that most of the ancients, both Greek and Latin, preferred to follow the chronology found in this passage in the translation of the Seventy, because they saw that translation to have been for many ages reverently used and religiously honored in the Church of God, and for that reason counted it a matter of religious scruple to alter it in any part or not to follow it. But with me (as far as concerns the chronology now in question) the authority of the Hebrew Scripture and of the Latin Vulgate version, and likewise the judgment and verdict of the two chief Doctors of the Church, Jerome and Augustine, outweighs it.9

Translator’s notes

  1. Quaestio III: whether to follow the Septuagint's or the Hebrew's chronology.
  2. The answer to Quaestio III: follow the Hebrew — with Augustine (City of God 15.13), Jerome (Quaestiones Hebraicae in Genesim), Bede... Marginal gloss: 'Veritati Hebraicae potius quam 70. interpretationi standum.' Catchword 'Beda' (continues on the next page).
  3. Bede (De sex aetatibus mundi): wherever Greek and Hebrew irreconcilably differ, follow the Hebrew — especially since the Hebrew spells out number-NAMES (hard to corrupt), whereas the Greek uses numerals (easily corrupted). Decisive proof: on the LXX figures Methuselah would survive the flood by 16 years (his 804 years after begetting Lamech vs. the 788 years from Lamech's birth to the flood) — impossible, since only eight souls survived (Gen 7:13; 1 Pet 3:20). But on the Hebrew figures (Methuselah begets Lamech at 187, Lamech begets Noah at 182), Methuselah dies exactly at the start of the flood-year (782 years each way). Marginal glosses: 'Genes. 7.'; '1. Petr. 3.'; 'Mathusalem quomodo non supervixerit diluvio.' Odd-side running head 'IN GENESIM, LIB. VII.' number '779'; true printed page 789.
  4. The Methuselah figures vary among the LXX witnesses: the currently-extant Greek gives him 16 years past the flood; the ancients cited by Augustine (City of God 15.11) and Jerome give 167 (before Lamech) and 188 (Lamech before Noah), yielding 14 years past the flood; and Augustine (15.13) reports three Greek, one Latin, and one Syriac codex where Methuselah dies 6 years BEFORE the flood. Marginal gloss: 'Cum his codicibus consentit Graecus codex Septuaginta novissime editus Romae' (the recent Roman/Sixtine LXX agrees with these).
  5. Conclusion: follow the Hebrew and Vulgate. The 100-year additions are an empty, faulty accretion — not from the LXX translators, but (per Augustine) from the first copyist of the LXX from the book in Ptolemy's library, whence the error spread to all codices from one source. Augustine investigates why that scribe devised the additions; Pererius will give his conjectures (relevant to the chronology). Marginal glosses: 'Editio vulgata sequenda'; 'Disputatio Augustini, unde in translatione LXX additio annorum orta sit.' Page footer signature 'GGGG 3'; catchword 'fortasse' (continues on the next page).
  6. Completes the catchword 'fortasse' carried over from the previous page; Pererius frames the verbatim transcription of Augustine that follows.
  7. Augustine, De civitate Dei XV.13. Marginal glosses: 'lest a translator's error crept in concerning the reckoning of the years, which run from Adam to the flood and from the flood to the birth of Abraham'; 'The codices of the Seventy translators corrupted by a copyist'; 'Why an error is especially wont to creep in in copying numbers.' Augustine's thesis: the LXX/Hebrew chronological discrepancy stems not from Jewish falsification nor from the translators, but from a single scribal error in the first codex copied out of Ptolemy's Library, whence it spread. The regular +100 (before begetting) / -100 (after begetting) pattern 'smells of design': the copyist inflated the too-young begetting-ages to make the long antediluvian lifespans credible, then restored the totals. Continues on the next page (catchword 'detraxit').
  8. Continuation and close of Augustine, De civitate Dei XV.13. Marginal gloss: 'A lesson of Augustine much to be observed.' Augustine's conclusion: where the texts differ, one must trust the source language (Hebrew) from which the translation was made; and three Greek, one Latin, and one Syriac codex agree that Methuselah died six years before the flood (removing the apparent difficulty of his surviving it).
  9. Marginal gloss: 'Caesar Baronius, author of the Ecclesiastical Annals -- who he is.' Reference: Baronius, Apparatus ad Annales Ecclesiasticos. Pererius acknowledges the ancients' reverence for the LXX chronology but sides with the Hebrew, the Vulgate, Jerome, and Augustine.