Library / Commentaries and Disputations on Genesis, Volume II

Book Eight — the cause for which the flood was sent

CHAPTER SIX. Verse 1. “And when men had begun to multiply upon the earth, and had brought forth daughters.”

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CHAPTER SIX. Verse 1. “And when men had begun to multiply upon the earth, and had brought forth daughters.”

CAPUT SEXTUM. VERS. 1. Cumque coepissent homines multiplicari super terram, et filias procreassent.

His verbis denotavit Moses tempus quo coepit in terris vigere intolerabilis hominum malitia, quae diluvii vindictam meruit. Quo tempore, inquit, humanum genus multiplicari coeptum est, eo tempore enormis hominum nequitia vigere coepit in terris. Multiplicari coepit humanum genus vivente Adamo; quin etiam intra ducentos vel trecentos annos ab exordio mundi vehementer esse multiplicatum credibile est: cum ex sacris litteris constet posteritatem Iacob per annos non amplius trecentos in tantum fuisse multiplicatam, ut in egressu Hebraeorum ex Aegypto sexcenta millia bellatorum recenserentur, exceptis mulieribus, parvulis et senibus. Ninus, rex Assyriorum, imperium iniit annis post diluvium circiter ducentis quinquaginta: quo tam parvo temporis spatio adeo propagatum est humanum genus, ut in solo Nini exercitu peditum decies septies centena millia, equitum ducenta millia, curruum falcatorum paulo minus decem millia et sexcentos fuisse tradat libro 3, capite 2, ex Ctesia scriptore Diodorus Siculus. Cum igitur in exordio mundi maximam fuisse humanae naturae fecunditatem credendum sit, magnam quoque id temporis hominum multiplicationem brevi esse factam non est dubitandum.
With these words Moses marked the time at which the intolerable malice of men, which earned the vengeance of the Flood, began to flourish upon the earth. At the time, he says, when the human race began to multiply — at that very time the enormous depravity of men began to flourish on earth. The human race began to multiply while Adam was still living; indeed, it is credible that within two or three hundred years from the beginning of the world it had multiplied enormously, since it is established from the sacred writings that the posterity of Jacob, in not more than three hundred years, multiplied to such an extent that at the departure of the Hebrews from Egypt six hundred thousand fighting men were counted, not including the women, the little ones, and the old (Exod. 12). Ninus, king of the Assyrians, came to his throne about two hundred and fifty years after the Flood; and in so short a span of time the human race had so propagated itself that in Ninus' army alone there were one million seven hundred thousand foot soldiers, two hundred thousand horsemen, and a little fewer than ten thousand six hundred scythed chariots, as Diodorus Siculus (book 3, chapter 2) reports from the writer Ctesias. Since, therefore, it must be believed that the fecundity of human nature was greatest at the beginning of the world, it is not to be doubted that a great multiplication of mankind likewise took place in a short time in that age.1
QUAMOBREM eam multiplicationem hominum, de qua Moses hic loquitur, factam esse putat Caietanus ab eo tempore quo Cain interfecit Abel, id est, anno circiter trigesimo et centesimo ab orbe condito: tunc enim dixit Cain: Omnis qui invenerit me, occidet me. Sed verisimilius est Mosen non de qualibet multiplicatione hominum esse locutum, sed de numerosissima et longe lateque diffusa.
FOR THIS REASON Cajetan thinks that this multiplication of men, of which Moses here speaks, took place from the time when Cain killed Abel — that is, about the one hundred and thirtieth year from the founding of the world; for it was then that Cain said, “Everyone who finds me will kill me.” But it is more probable that Moses was speaking not of just any multiplication of men, but of one exceedingly numerous and spread far and wide.2
Verius igitur dictu est quod Iosephus tradit primo libro Antiquitatum: insignem illorum hominum ante diluvium propagationem et declinationem ad malum septima post Adamum generatione contigisse. Scribens enim de posterorum Seth honestis studiis egregiisque virtutibus subiecit: Hoc modo, inquit, per septem generationes perseveraverunt unum Deum colentes omnium rerum Dominum, semperque virtutis respectum habentes. Procedente dein tempore a patriis institutis degeneraverunt, neque humana iura servantes, neque Deo consuetos honores persolventes: et qui prius certatim virtutem exercuerant, postea duplo maiori studio malitiam consectabantur, atque ita Deum infensum sibi reddiderunt. Haec Iosephus: quibus affinia sunt quae tradit quaestione in Genesim 47 Theodoretus: Posteri Seth (ait Theodoretus), tanquam pii et boni, cognominati sunt filii Dei; separatum enim erat genus Seth, et non permiscebatur cum cognatione Cain, propter illatam ei a Deo maledictionem. Multo autem post tempore (nam post annos plus mille diluvium induxit Deus), videntes filias cognationis Cain speciosas, et illecti (ut verisimile est) instrumentis musicis ab eis excogitatis (Thubal enim, inter eos florens, psalterium, cytharam invenerat), permisti sunt illis, et contaminaverunt nobilitatem suam. Haec Theodoretus. Horum ego sententiae libenter accedo.
It is therefore truer to say what Josephus relates in the first book of his Antiquities: that the notable propagation of those men before the Flood, and their decline into evil, occurred in the seventh generation after Adam. For writing of the honorable pursuits and outstanding virtues of the descendants of Seth, he added: “In this manner,” he says, “for seven generations they persevered in worshipping the one God, the Lord of all things, always keeping virtue in view. But as time went on they degenerated from their ancestral institutions, neither keeping human laws nor rendering to God his accustomed honors; and those who before had vied with one another in the exercise of virtue afterward pursued malice with twice the zeal, and so made God hostile to themselves.” Thus Josephus. Akin to this is what Theodoret relates in his 47th question on Genesis: “The descendants of Seth” (says Theodoret), “as pious and good men, were surnamed sons of God; for the race of Seth was kept separate and did not mingle with the kindred of Cain, on account of the curse laid upon him by God. But long afterward (for God brought on the Flood after more than a thousand years), seeing that the daughters of Cain's kindred were beautiful, and enticed (as is likely) by the musical instruments devised by them — for Thubal, flourishing among them, had invented the psaltery and the cithara — they mingled with them and defiled their own nobility.” Thus Theodoret. To their opinion I gladly assent.3
Etenim probabile admodum est, per illud tempus septimae ab Adamo generationis illam notabilem humani generis depravationem coepisse: tunc enim polygamiam coli coeptam, exemplo Lamech, coniicitur: tunc translatus est Henoch, qui septimus fuit ab Adam, videlicet ne malitia, quae vigere incoeperat, immutaret cor eius, et ne fictio deciperet animum illius, ut in quarto capite libri Sapientiae scriptum est. Tunc per filios Lamech instrumenta musica, lasciviae et luxus irritamenta, et arma, belligerandi et crudelitatis exercendae instrumenta, fuere adinventa.
For it is quite probable that it was in that time of the seventh generation from Adam that this notable depravation of the human race began. For it is conjectured, from the example of Lamech, that polygamy then began to be practiced; then Henoch, who was the seventh from Adam, was translated — namely, “lest malice,” which had begun to flourish, “should change his heart, and lest deceit should beguile his soul,” as is written in the fourth chapter of the book of Wisdom. Then, through the sons of Lamech, were invented musical instruments — incitements to wantonness and luxury — and weapons — instruments for waging war and practicing cruelty.
Non permitto mihi ne eas quidem opiniones praeterire, quas falsas et absurdas iudico, si vel a magnis viris proditae, vel magnis viris attributae sunt: cum satius sit omnium quae memorabilia sunt lectori copiam fieri, et quae improbamus damnare potius quam praeterire. Magister Historiae scholasticae, in Historia libri Geneseos, capite 31, nescio quam memorat Methodii sententiam, quae ad hunc locum Mosis pertinet. Tradit enim Methodium tempus, quod fuit ab exordio mundi usque ad diluvium, in tres fere chiliadas annorum digessisse. Et quingentesimo anno primae chiliadis post orbem conditum, filios Cain abusos esse uxoribus fratrum suorum nimiis fornicationibus: sexcentesimo anno mulieres, versas in vesaniam, supergredi viros et sic illis abuti coepisse: mortuo Adam, Seth cognationem suam a cognatione Cain separavisse. Adam namque, vivens, commixtionem eorum fieri prohibuerat; et habitasse Seth in Cordan, quodam monte proximo Paradiso; Cain autem in campo, ubi occiderat Abel. Quingentesimo anno secundae chiliadis exarsisse homines in mutuos concubitus: septingentesimo autem anno eiusdem chiliadis filios Seth concupisse [filias Cain...]
Nor do I permit myself to pass over even those opinions which I judge false and absurd, if they have been put forward by great men or attributed to great men; for it is better that the reader be given the full store of all that is memorable, and that what we disapprove be condemned rather than passed over. The Master of the Scholastic History, in his History of the book of Genesis, chapter 31, records some opinion of Methodius which pertains to this passage of Moses. For he relates that Methodius arranged the time from the beginning of the world up to the Flood into roughly three chiliads (thousands) of years; and that in the five hundredth year of the first chiliad after the founding of the world, the sons of Cain abused the wives of their brothers in excessive fornications; that in the six hundredth year the women, turned to madness, mounted the men and thus began to abuse them; that on Adam's death Seth separated his kindred from the kindred of Cain — for Adam, while living, had forbidden their intermingling — and that Seth dwelt on Cordan, a certain mountain near Paradise, but Cain in the field where he had slain Abel (Gen. 4); that in the five hundredth year of the second chiliad men burned with lust for one another; and that in the seven hundredth year of the same chiliad the sons of Seth conceived desire [for the daughters of Cain — sentence continues on the next page].4
...concupisse filias Cain; et inde ortos esse gigantes; denique inchoata iam tertia chiliade venisse diluvium. Haec Magister Historiae Scholasticae ex Methodio refert. Sed haec falsa sunt, et afficta Methodio. Nituntur enim manifesto errore chronologiae, computatis ab exordio mundi usque ad diluvium plus duobus annorum millibus, cum tempus illud non nisi mille sexcentorum et quinquaginta sex annorum fuisse exploratum certumque sit. Qua de re diligenter a nobis disputatum est in septimo libro prioris tomi Commentariorum nostrorum in Genesim, in Disputatione de chronologia eius temporis, per tres eius quaestiones.
…[the sons of Seth] lusted after the daughters of Cain; and that from them the giants arose; and finally that the Flood came when the third millennium had already begun. These things the Master of the Scholastic History reports from Methodius. But these are false, and falsely fathered upon Methodius. For they rest on a manifest error of chronology, since they reckon more than two thousand years from the beginning of the world to the Flood, whereas it is established and certain that that interval was only one thousand six hundred and fifty-six years. On this matter we have argued carefully in the seventh book of the first volume of our Commentaries on Genesis, in the Disputation on the chronology of that period, through its three questions.5
Ceterum non est illud novum, vel obiter hoc loco considerandum: cum multiplicari coeperunt homines, tunc eos fieri coepisse deteriores; ut, quod est apud Esaiam capite nono, vere hic possit dici: Multiplicasti gentem, sed non magnificasti laetitiam. Et ipsa quidem multiplicatio hominum ingens sane benignitatis divinae beneficium erat, magnumque bonum humanae naturae, ut ad pietatem et religionem adversus Deum augendam potius quam ad Dei contemptum, sui corruptionem, aliorumque violentam oppressionem proficere debuerit. Sed non decebat propterea Deum parciorem ad benefaciendum esse, quod eius beneficiis ad eius contemptum suique perniciem abusuri essent homines. Paucis hoc, sed elegantibus verbis expressit Ambrosius in libro quem scripsit de Noë et Arca, cap. 3. Sed absolvam quod paulo supra orsus sum dicere, in ipsa multiplicatione hominum non multiplicari virtutem, sed flagitia. Sic profecto usu venit, ut paucitatis hominum atque paupertatis comes fere sit industria et frugalitas; multitudinis vero et opulentiae, socordia et nequitia. Licet hoc animadvertere in multis quondam florentissimis civitatibus, rebus publicis atque imperiis, quin etiam in piorum hominum congregationibus prudenter ordinatis et diu sanctitatis laude inclytis. Cum enim pauci erant homines, et haud magnis naturae ac fortunae praesidiis et ornamentis instructi, complures eorum fuisse proditum est egregios viros cum privatis studiis et moribus, tum publicis muneribus tractandis rebusque domi ac militiae gerendis; contra vero multiplicatis hominibus, prolato imperio, opibusque privatim et publice auctis, paulatim labente disciplina plerosque degenerasse, et in dies factos esse deteriores, donec eo nequitiae ventum sit, ut quae prius apud eos fuerant incitamenta virtutum et clarorum facinorum praemia, eadem postea fuerint vitiorum irritamenta et maleficiorum pretia. Exemplis Graeca et Romana, sed praeter omnes Christiana referta est historia.
Moreover, this is no new thing, nor to be considered here only in passing: that when men began to multiply, then they began to become worse; so that what is said in Isaiah, chapter 9, may truly be applied here: “Thou hast multiplied the nation, but hast not increased the joy.” And the multiplication of men was indeed an immense benefit of divine kindness, and a great good for human nature, such that it ought rather to have availed toward increasing piety and religion toward God than toward contempt of God, the corruption of oneself, and the violent oppression of others. Yet it was not therefore fitting that God should be more sparing in doing good, merely because men would abuse his benefits to his contempt and to their own ruin. Ambrose expressed this in few but elegant words in the book he wrote On Noah and the Ark, ch. 3. But let me finish what I began to say a little above: that in the very multiplication of men it is not virtue that is multiplied, but wickedness (flagitia). For so it indeed comes to pass that industry and frugality are generally the companions of fewness of men and of poverty, but sloth and depravity the companions of multitude and wealth. One may observe this in many cities, commonwealths, and empires once most flourishing, and indeed even in congregations of pious men prudently ordered and long renowned for the praise of holiness. For when men were few, and not equipped with great supports and ornaments of nature and fortune, it is recorded that many of them were outstanding men, both in their private pursuits and morals and in the handling of public offices and the conduct of affairs at home and in war; but, on the contrary, when men had multiplied, dominion was extended, and wealth increased both privately and publicly, then, with discipline gradually slipping, most degenerated and became daily worse, until such a pitch of wickedness was reached that the very things which had formerly been among them incitements to virtue and rewards of glorious deeds afterwards became provocations to vice and the wages of crimes. Greek and Roman history is filled with examples, but Christian history above all.6
Sed quam eius rei causam existimare oportet? An etiam in rebus humanis, ut in naturalibus, virtus unita fortior est quam divisa? In paucitate autem hominum magis unita est virtus, meliusque ab omni contagio mali servari potest illibata quam in multitudine. An multitudo magis patet externorum vitiorum malorumque contagioni? An potius...
But what should we suppose to be the cause of this? Is it that in human affairs too, as in natural things, virtue united is stronger than virtue divided? Now in a small number of men virtue is more united, and can be kept inviolate and free from every contagion of evil more readily than in a multitude. Or is a multitude more exposed to the contagion of external vices and evils? Or rather…7
An potius quia multitudo obnoxia magis est intestinis dissidiis et discordiis? Concordia namque parvae res crescunt, discordia maximae dilabuntur. An quod ipsa paucitas hominum, infirmitas virium, tenuitas opum, aemulatio meliorum, et metus potentiorum homines cohibent ne defluant ad vitia? An denique flagrans cupido sibi et patriae libertatem, dominationis amplitudinem, et nominis gloriam per bonas artes comparandi, aliarum rerum viliorum, non tantum vitiorum, cupiditates omnes aut extinguit aut comprimit, eaque industrios facit, laborum patientes, audaces subeundis periculis, magnisque rebus aggrediendis et patrandis promptos et alacres? Hac certe ratione amplificatum esse imperium Romanum disputat B. Augustinus libro 5 de Civitate Dei cap. 12 et sequentibus.
Or rather because a multitude is more subject to internal dissensions and discords? For “by concord small things grow, by discord the greatest fall to ruin.” Or is it that the very fewness of men, the weakness of their resources, the slenderness of their wealth, rivalry with their betters, and fear of the more powerful restrain men from sliding into vices? Or, finally, does a burning desire to win for oneself and one’s country liberty, the greatness of dominion, and the glory of a name through good arts either extinguish or suppress all desires for baser things — not only for vices — and make men industrious, patient of toils, bold in facing dangers, and prompt and eager in undertaking and accomplishing great things? It is in this way that the blessed Augustine argues the Roman empire was enlarged, in The City of God, bk. 5, ch. 12 and following.8
Verum quid sibi vult Moses hoc loco dicens: Cum multiplicati essent homines super terram, et filias procreassent? Quid significat illud, Et filias procreassent? Num antea non generabantur feminae? Unde igitur uxores ducebant, aut unde filios procreabant? Equidem reor significari illis verbis in illa magna multiplicatione hominum praecipue multiplicatas esse feminas, ut longe plures tunc quam antea generarentur. Hoc si ad physiologiam referatur, verisimile est eo accidisse, quod propter illorum hominum intemperantiam Veneris et cibi potusque et propter luxum aliave corporis atque animi vitia vehementer debilitata facultate generatrice, quae est in viro, vigoreque seminis virilis labefactato, crebrior ac numerosior feminarum generatio extiterit; quamobrem multitudine simul ac pulchritudine mulierum illectos homines eius aetatis multas duxisse uxores, et repudiatis prioribus alias atque alias pro sua libidine assumpsisse; quod longo tempore apud posteros Seth inusitatum fuerat. Habeo eius rei duplex argumentum. Moses enim supra capite quarto de solo Lamech scribens eum duas habuisse uxores, non obscure indicavit tunc primum incoeptam esse polygamiam. Deinde legimus Noë cum una tantum uxore, et filiorum eius singulos cum singulis uxoribus ingressos esse in Arcam.
But what does Moses mean here when he says: “When men had multiplied upon the earth, and had begotten daughters”? What does that phrase signify, “and had begotten daughters”? Were females not begotten before? Whence then did they take wives, or whence did they beget sons? For my part I think these words signify that, in that great multiplication of men, females in particular were multiplied, so that far more were then born than before. If this be referred to natural philosophy (physiologia), it is probable that it came about thus: that because of those men’s intemperance in sex and in food and drink, and because of luxury and other vices of body and mind, the generative faculty in the man being severely weakened and the vigor of the male seed impaired, a more frequent and more numerous generation of females resulted. For this reason the men of that age, enticed at once by the number and the beauty of the women, took many wives, and, having repudiated their former wives, took others and yet others according to their lust — a thing which for a long time had been unusual among the descendants of Seth. I have a twofold argument for this. For Moses above, in chapter four, writing of Lamech alone that he had two wives, indicated not obscurely that polygamy then first began. Next, we read that Noah entered the Ark with only one wife, and each of his sons with a single wife.9

Translator’s notes

  1. Margins: Exod. 12.F; Magnitudo exercitus regis Nini — “The size of King Ninus' army”; Diodorus Siculus.
  2. Margin: Quando coepit secundum Caietanum multiplicatio et malitia hominum ante diluvium — “When, according to Cajetan, the multiplication and the malice of men before the Flood began.”
  3. Margins: Iosephus; Theodoretus.
  4. Margin: Memorabilis historia, sed falso adscripta Methodio, ex Magistro Historiae Scholasticae — “A memorable account, but falsely ascribed to Methodius, from the Master of the Scholastic History” (i.e., Peter Comestor). Also: Gen. 4.
  5. §10 (continued from p. 73): conclusion of the refutation of the account falsely ascribed to Methodius.
  6. §11. Margin: Moralis observatio — that virtue flourishes more among a few men than in a multitude. Cites Isaiah 9 and Ambrose, On Noah and the Ark, ch. 3.
  7. §12 (continues on p. 75): inquiry into the cause — whether virtue is stronger united than divided.
  8. §12 (continued from p. 74). Cites Augustine, City of God, bk. 5, ch. 12 and following.
  9. §13. Margin: Gen. 7 (Noah entering the Ark with a single wife).